Guest blogged by Jon Ponder, Pensito Review.
Last week, Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki declared that his government has defeated terrorism in Iraq.
"They were intending to besiege Baghdad and control it. But, thanks to the will of the tribes, security forces, army and all Iraqis, we defeated them," al-Maliki declared, referring to recent government operations against Sunni insurgents and Shiite militias.
Violence in Iraq is said to be at its lowest level in four years, a factor that is attributed to the surge of U.S. forces into the country.
So if the surge has been so successful, can we bring U.S. troops out of Iraq and leave internal security to al-Maliki and the Iraqi military?
Of course not. We're sending more troops to Iraq.
Late in June, the Pentagon was reported to be preparing to send 30,000 replacement troops into Iraq in about six months in order to maintain 15 brigades in country.
What this means is that the surge is a success only in the sense that flooding the zone with security has tamped down violence and --- here is the real point --- neutralized Iraq as a domestic political issue in the presidential campaign.
Underlying the "success," however, the morass of internecine religious conflicts, intrigue and power struggles is far from resolved and will undoubtedly raise its ugly head again when U.S. troops come out, if they ever do.


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The White House propaganda office invited a few of George Bush's remaining supporters in the media --- second- or third-tier rightwing columnists like Jonah Goldberg and Kathleen Parker --- up to the Oval Office last week for an audience with his nibs.
Perhaps next year, for the first time in five years, we won't feel that we must post the following document on the Fourth of July. Perhaps.
Last week we noted that John McCain had 

I have been a long time critic of the federal 2002 Voting System Standards (2002 VSS) and of the 2005 Voluntary Voting System Guidelines (2005 VVSG). In fact, both sets of standards are virtually worthless. There are two reasons for this. First, the requirements enumerated in the standards are, in and of themselves, much too weak for something as vital as administering an election. Second, both sets of standards have an explicit loophole that allows almost all the requirements "” weak as they are "” to be ignored. This second objection was first
Of all John McCain's reversals of longheld positions --- his 180s on taxes, offshore drilling, intolerant Christians and even torture, to name just a few --- nothing is sadder or more disgraceful than his flipflop on Swiftboating, a practice he decried when it was used in 2004 to attack at the Democratic presidential nominee, his former friend and fellow Vietnam veteran, Sen. John Kerry.












