On one of the ugliest political days in recent memory (and they are likely to get still uglier — and deadlier, as Trump launches a military attack against Syria moments ago), we fight our way on today’s BradCast, out of the slime to look beyond the near horizon for how progressives can change structural impediments in our political system, just as soon as Democrats are able to regain majorities in both Congress and the White House. [Audio link to full show is posted below.]
But first, we wade into the swamp long enough to cover Donald Trump’s stunning pardon on Friday of former Vice President Dick Cheney’s Chief of Staff Scooter Libby, a felon who was found guilty of having lied to federal investigators and obstructing justice after purposely leaking the highly classified identify of covert CIA agent Valerie Plame to the media during the run up to the Iraq War. That, as an enraged Trump took to Twitter on Friday to tar former Republican FBI Director James Comey as a “LEAKER & LIAR” and “slime ball” following the release of his new book.
But, as we strive today to look towards a brighter future somehow, we are joined by DAVID FARIS, political science professor at Roosevelt University and author of the new book out this week, It’s Time to Fight Dirty: How Democrats Can Build a Lasting Majority in American Politics. Faris’ book outlines a number of radical ideas for a progressive institutional restructuring of our democracy which, he argues, can and should all be carried out just as soon as Democrats regain control of the House, Senate and White House.
The “procedural proposals”, as he describes them, include, among other things: statehood (“on Day 1”) for Washington D.C. and Puerto Rico (and breaking California into several smaller states); transformation of our federal judiciary (by, among other things, doing away with lifetime tenures on the federal bench and a forced restoration of a Democratic majority on the Republican’s stolen Supreme Court); and restructuring the U.S. House for proportional representation to help overcome the scourge of extreme partisan gerrymandering. All of which, Faris takes pains to note, can be done without the daunting task of amending the U.S. Constitution, and, as he argues, would be no more radical than ideas that Republicans have both been instituting for decades and plan to implement in the near future, unless they are prevented from doing so.
“Most of the ideas in this book I consider a process of rectifying existing injustices in our electoral system and our political processes, and then responding in kind to some of these Republicans escalations — partly to convince the Republican Party that some of the things they are doing are deeply destructive, and that they will lead to retaliation,” Faris tells me. “I think they are assuming things like holding a Supreme Court seat open for Neil Gorsuch will not get a reply from the opposition.”
“Part of the purpose of the book,” he continues, “is to outline a series of ideas that are actually the right thing to do. I don’t consider them to be ‘fighting dirty’. I think it will be perceived as fighting dirty, but I actually really believe in all these ideas as improving the long-term performance of our democracy overall.”
Faris argues that “Democrats have to take some of these procedural issues and these electoral issues much more seriously. I think they need to take them as seriously as they take their policy proposals, and their intra-party battles over what the party’s stance should be on certain issues. Because the reality is in national politics, in every election for the last twenty years, the Democrats have been fighting at a really significant disadvantage, due to things like felon disenfranchisement laws, like gerrymandering, like voter ID laws. And if they don’t seriously rethink some of these things, they may come back to power in 2020, but they’re going to kick it right back in 2022, or 2024, or 2026. Because these long-term structural barriers to progressive power are very poorly understood by the broader public. And, in all cases, they are an affront to the spirit of small-d ‘democracy’ as it should be practiced, and as it is practiced in most of the rest of the world.”
I hope you’ll tune in for the detailed discussion (and debate) on a number of Faris’ fascinating proposals for reform on today’s program — and why it is that Democrats have shied away from them for too long — before we then head back into Trump’s swamp for a few more minutes at show’s end.
Among those slimy stories to close out the week: The U.S. Senate confirms Andrew Wheeler as second in command to embattled EPA Administrator Scott Pruitt. Wheeler was, until his nomination late last year, a very powerful coal industry lobbyist and will now take charge of the EPA if Pruitt is pushed out.
And, finally today, wealthy Trump and George W. Bush donor Elliot Broidy steps down as the RNC’s deputy finance chair after revelations that he paid a Playboy playmate $1.6 million to keep quiet about an affair in which she was reportedly impregnated and had an abortion. The man who set up the hush money payoff for Broidy? Donald Trump’s personal attorney and “fixer” Michael Cohen, whose office and residences were raided at the beginning of the week in relation to, among other things, virtually identical schemes to prevent adult film actress Stormy Daniels and Playboy model Karen McDougal from revealing their own affairs with Trump in the days just before the 2016 Presidential election…
Mainstream Democrats tend to fight hardest and dirtiest against Progressive Democrats and Independents.
Against GOPers?
Not so much.
Indeed, there is a long therm structural barrier to progressive power: it’s called the Democratic Party.
I listened to this interview while on the road, and I have to say that I am not proud of how I drove. I didn’t like most of the ideas broached by your guest. Some of the ideas struck me as a little too much like how the GOP does things. Other thoughts go against my personal ideals. I liked your alternative better than what Mr. Farris presented.